Pak Tea House » Army, Pakistan, Politics » Will the civilians seize the moment?
Will the civilians seize the moment?
It is too early to determine whether Nawaz Sharif is seeking a structural transformation of Pakistan’s governance culture or is merely hankering for acceptability within the power matrix.
By Raza Rumi:
Pakistan’s civil-military imbalance is now embedded in the very nature of the Pakistani state and the way it works. The “idea” of Pakistan has evolved into a wide-ranging and somewhat irreversible militarisation that has penetrated into the society, economy and the very imagination of Pakistan. Prima facie, there is a Constitution at work with civilian institutions that come and go as side characters on the grand political theatre of Pakistan.
However, as they say, societies are dynamic entities and evolve over time. Since the 1971 defeat of the Pakistan Army in East Pakistan, the trajectory of military supremacy was quite consistent. It is a separate matter that the 1971 moment arrived amid a complete information blackout in the western wing of the country. The West Pakistani newspapers were reporting victory, until the inglorious surrender of General Tikka Khan at today’s Ramna Park in Dhaka on December 16th 1971. Interestingly, the headline printed by daily Dawn on December 17th was: “War till victory”. A small news item below this vain headline read, “Fighting ends in east wing”. The 1970s witnessed the revival of a demoralised and defeated army by none other than populist and pro-poor Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
Ideology of militarism: It was Mr. Bhutto who provided the grand ‘ideological’ narrative for the next four decades. Whereas he mobilised people for rights and seeking voice in the manner Pakistan was to be governed, he reinvented the framework for a martial state. First, fighting with India for a thousand years and regaining Kashmir became the plank of state policy. Second, the active pursuit of nuclear prowess became the overarching objective of the security doctrine positioned in relation to the enemy, i.e., India.
Thirdly, ‘Islam’ as a political slogan grew in appeal to the extent that Mr. Bhutto had to concede by introducing the spectre of Islamisation into the body politic. Pakistan was not just an Islamic state. It was envisioned as the epicentre of a deeply troubled, anti-American Islamic world. We continue to pay the price for these grandiose, vainglorious imagination of a ‘strong’ and centralised Pakistan.
Ideology consumes reality: Mr. Bhutto’s Bonapartist tendencies soon devoured him as the martial state raised its head in 1977 and ushered in a long era of direct military rule, ironically picking up on the ideological narrative popularised by Mr. Bhutto, especially in the Punjab province. Lest we forget, the ambition to gain strategic depth in Afghanistan was also a brainchild of the master strategist Mr. Bhutto, though one would argue whether he would have used similar tactics as were employed by the Pakistan Army during the last decades.
By the end of Zia era, the army was firmly in command of the polity and had also created a whole new class of opportunist politicians directly linked to the economic rents, state largesse and addicted to patronage networks replacing political consciousness. The Afghan factor: Since 1979, the US policy of containing the Soviet Union and using Pakistan Army to do its dirty work through the jihad complex bestowed the ultimate leverage to the military-intelligence conglomerate in Pakistan. The Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan did not end the jihad project and the relentless pursuit of strategic depth and treating Afghanistan as an outer province of Pakistan remained the paramount imperative of the Pakistani security establishment. The quasi-civilian decade of 1988-99, hardly made any difference to national security doctrines developed by the GHQ and its civilian apologists. Pakistan’s foreign and security policies had to be India-centric, whatever the cost would be. In this time period, the military also enriched its nuclear programme and responded in full measure to the 1998 coming out of India from its nuclear closet.
However, the quest of Mian Nawaz Sharif to get some control over the foreign policy and reinterpret the security doctrine led to his unceremonious ouster through the 1999 military coup. The Musharraf years: General Musharraf’s coup would not have translated into a long military rule if 9/11 had not taken place. The reluctant reversal of the security doctrines took place in the aftermath of 9/11, accompanied by a rare drive at normalising relations with India. Whilst Musharraf went an extra mile in forsaking the UN resolutions on Kashmir, at the risk of isolating his colleagues and juniors, Pakistan’s security establishment operated like a mildly schizophrenic machine. It entered the war on terror and started to fight with its erstwhile allies, at the same time it was selective in picking the Islamist “enemy”. This is why the unwise US policies and the infamous “double-game” by Pakistan caused the Afghanistan war to move from the border areas into the mainland and urban areas of Pakistan.
The second moment – 2007: Musharraf’s ouster in 2008 happened not due to the growing unpopularity of military-strategic doctrines, but it reflected the fatigue of Pakistanis with centralised military rule. By the first decade of the 21st century, Pakistan’s middle class had expanded, a media and information revolution had commenced and the deep-rooted inequities due to globalisation could only be mitigated in a democratic dispensation. But the anti-Musharraf struggle from 2007 to 2008 came as the second moment in our contemporary history where military as an institution was scrutinised by the public and criticised, most significantly in urban Punjab. Military recruitment in the districts of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and the Punjab and the network that it generates has been a prime factor in providing popular base to militarism in the country. The emergence of anti-Army slogans in the “martial districts” was a moment of reckoning and surprised even the most cynical Pakistanis.
Post-Musharraf dynamics: Musharraf’s successor General Kayani treaded cautiously and was eager to display his neutrality and the need to keep the military away from politics. He was lauded for doing so by almost all political stakeholders. But the fundamental ‘strategic’ doctrines, i.e. ambiguous policy towards the US, obsession with
strategic victories in Afghanistan and absolute control over the national security policies remained unchanged. This is perhaps why the Mumbai attacks came as a surprise to everyone, including Pakistanis.
Subsequent information and evidence have indicated the involvement of some elements within the Pakistani state, even though the Indian accusations of direct Pakistani involvement remain unproven. Civilian government’s feeble efforts: During 2008, the ruling Pakistan Peoples Party made several efforts to manage the premier Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) agency. First, the civilian government ventured to tame the agency by attempting to place it under the Interior Ministry. However, this effort boomeranged and was widely criticised by the right-wing media as an endeavour to harm the national security apparatus. The second attempt came when the federal government issued a notification abolishing the infamous political wing of the ISI (ironically, established by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in the early 1970s). The government had to retreat and withdraw the notification as the media reported about the fissures within the
various arms of the executive, leading to the victory by the military commanders. It is significant to note that the ruling PML-N was leading the campaign against the government and called it a way of functioning of the national security institutions.
Military accountability now: May, 2011 has been a marker of sorts in the civil-military discourse prevalent in Pakistan. Three events have left deep imprints on the Pakistani psyche across the political spectrum: the May 2nd operation to kill Osama Bin Laden, the daredevil attack by Islamic militants on the Naval base in Karachi — ostensibly with the collaboration of low rank officials — and the murder of Saleem Shehzad, a journalist who knew too much about the links between the Pakistan Army and Al Qaeda. In the latter case, the ISI has been named by an international human rights organisation as well as the apex body of Pakistani journalists as the alleged perpetrator of Shehzad’s abduction and torture prior to his brutal murder.
The capture of Osama Bin Laden from a garrison town, the military’s stated ignorance of OBL’s residence and hiding and inability to counter the US strike have led to an unprecedented debate in the national media and the political discourse. Right-wing television anchors known for their pro-military bias appear to have changed their stance with respect to the impregnability and holy-cow status of the Pakistan Army. The national newspapers have published bold analyses of the situation and questioned as to how the military could falter despite the extraordinary resources provided by the taxpayers.
Media power: Never in the history of Pakistan has the military received bad press, as is the case today. It may be a proverbial case of momentary anger, but a formidable debate in the mainstream media has emerged. This debate is taking place between three groups: first the ex-servicemen who are largely apologetic of military blunders and
cite grand conspiracies hatched by the US to harm Pakistan; second, by the usual suspects from civil society getting increased airtime on the “free media”; and third, the major political parties which are divided on their strategy to tackle the military. For instance, Pakistan’s leading civil rights activist, Asma Jahangir, has made the boldest
remarks on the efficiency and competence of the army as an institution. Similarly, right-wingers, evidently cheated by the mighty machine they had been eulogising, are crying foul. The politicians are struggling to catch up with the analyst-industry created during thelast decade of media freedom.
PML-N versus PPP: PML-N leader Nawaz Sharif is aiming to seize the moment by leading a campaign calling for wide-ranging military accountability and its overgrown powers of policymaking. The PPP with greater stakes in the ‘system’ appears defensive and is doing the PR job for the sanctimonious national security institutions. It is too early to determine whether Nawaz Sharif is seeking a structural transformation of Pakistan’s governance culture or is merely hankering for acceptability within the power matrix. Similarly, it is not clear whether the PPP is reluctant to lead a campaign for military accountability, fearing that it may just fail like in the past.
Nevertheless, the third moment in 40 years has arrived which may result in a much-awaited rationalisation of civil-military relations in the country. It is neither feasible, nor advisable to pressurise an overly-engaged army on the eastern and western borders. At the same time, for the future of Pakistan, it is vital to reset the parameters of power and the manner in which it is exercised in Pakistan.
Filed under: Army, Pakistan, Politics · Tags: Pakistan, political, Raza Rumi, security
19 Responses to "Will the civilians seize the moment?"
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What the hell!!! Have you not experienced Nawaz Sharif enough to know that he is not proposing any structural changes? he does not have the intellectual depth or the moral courage to bring about structural changes. he is a coward and an opportunist. Raza Rumi I thought that somebody like you would know this and it makes me sad that you would even mention such a possibility in your article.
The reason that we do not get any change in Paksitan is because we civilians (especially political parties) shirk from building any capacity to govern Pakistan whether from an economic or from a security point of view. We leave a void open which is then filled by the military as and when circumstances allow. If we do not build this capacity the military would interven again notwithstanding the media or the judiciary. And like times before the large bulk of the population would be thankful again in the short term as was the case with internventions before. History will repeat itself.
For the Pakistani army “Peace is the continuation of policy by other means”.
@ D’Artagnan
a stupid comment. Being witty is not anlaysis or intellect.
Rumi … if my memory serves me right, it wasnt Gen. Tikka Khan but Gen. ‘Tiger’ Niazi who surrendered to the Indian Army after claiming that Indian tanks would have to roll over his chest before he gave up East Pakistan…. the next day he surrendered.
It was a sad day… the second time i saw my father weep …the first time was when my grandfather died.
The hit song of the day was ‘Ai Dushman-e-deen too nai, kiss Qaum ko lalkara’ … never heard the song after we lost half our country…matter of fact i dont think he was ever invited on PTV programmes again! (i guess they thought it was his fault?)
to raza
The moment arrived – and also went.
Now let’s wait for the next.
What will it be like?
All moments that come in Pakistan – be it floods or lack of water or Kashmir or Osama or Kayani’s weaknesses – all serve only to increase slander against India. It is like in a primitive garbage processing unit. Everything that comes in is converted into a more-filthy-smelling and more-difficult-to-manage garbage.
Yes, I agree. It is time to look forward and stop beating about the bush. Politicians need to seize the moment, but not with a vindictive attitude. A positive response to take stock of the present situation would be more prudent rather than targeting the army, which is otherwise overly stretched for the past ten years and needs to given a fillip rather than hatred filled speeches by NS and his party leaders.
Let the politicians rise to the occasion. It is their time.
How can this moment be seized when the most popular political party is siding with the very same forces?
Raza,
I never understand this Pakistani need for the politicians to ‘perform’. They are politicians, all they do is rule and enact laws. Ultimately it is the state that must perform which means that it is the Pakistanis that must perform. The politicians can only direct or misdirect this activity.
A part of this is that the bureaucrats in defense ministry must control the defense forces. The politicians then act through this strong control. This is how it is in the rest of the world. It is the failure of Pakistanis to control their country that puts your politicians in such a weak position. Not that they do not deserve blame.
Think of the Musharaff coup, was Nawaz hopeless, yes, but things were not so bad that the people could not have dealt with him at election time. Yet the people and the state were unable to defend him at his lowest point. It was your choice to remove him or not, yet the state and the people abdicated. Failure of the state to perform can not be blamed on politicians.
Waste of hope.
Also called self-deceit.
Raza, I do not expect much from Nawaz because his political DNA is a product of Army labs… He never operates outside the self preservation mode and is not capable of doing anything that may harm his genes.
Unless systemic changes are undertaken in Pakistan, its current Govt. is run by the underworld mafia and its army is the same which through its criminal operations against the Bengali citizens lost half of the country, the country is very likely to be split further. Only peoples revolution could save the country now.
Rex Minor
It is a sad nation and sadder notion that even wants to consider Sir Nawaz SharrREEF as worth consideration. He is rabidly corrupt plus beyond redemption (if he is imparted LIE DETECTION TESTS THE MACHINE WILL GO BONKERS) .. and Rumi Sahib you know and realize very well about the hugeHUGE-hugest corruption and rabid myopia of Nawazu Sys.
If Nawazu Jee or Zardari Remnants come to power, what remains of Pakistan will be eliminated and dismantled and these bustards will fly off to Lux(Pryanka Chopra ahoy!)-emberg and SchwitZerland..
I had a dream .. I was flying over a degree mill in New Jersey, and my phone rang .. it was BB (my assli tey wadhi fan along with the whole Nobel family) calling from The Beyond. Apparently, the zardari phone , finawas not being connected, the lines crossed with my humble cellular
phone 0345 426 6785 the AFFECTIONATE sms/message emerged from the Mohtrima which read;
”
JANNUM! I MISS YOU HELLUVA LOT, PLEASE JOIN ME HERE FOR CELEBRATING
EID UL FITTR!
”
CONCLUSION: One of your editors smeaRED and maligned (AND USED FILTHY LANGUAGE OF WHICH i FORWARDED COPIES TO YOU AND MY FRIEND NAJAM SATHI) me a lot last year suggesting that i never studied or attended Harvard University.
In fact he is almost tELLING THE TRUTH . wITGH MY iq OF 430, i DONT INTEND TO ATTEND UNICVERSITIES OR STUDY THERE TO OBTAIN DEGREES.
BUT suppose, janter +++ manter … I document with you my Harvard degrees, will you recommend me for Nishane Haider which has never been bestowed on any living person (I have challenged the unconstitutionality of that, to wit, dead people only have Haqquq Allah no Human Rights).. the Govt. of Pakistan, such as it is, has conveyed that they will bestow NH upon me soon albeit posthumously .. I humbly counter that I deserve 2, right now. aND METER IS RUNNING. I won’t EVEN consider one!
Two High Court judges have recommended me and a Sessions Judge is to INSHALA recommend me ON mONDAY FOR NISHANN e HAIDER.
one thing thAT I hate, the only think I DETEST is, respectively… SAULMALOOKII (MY SHABD FOR CROSSING WHITE-IMPORT WITH SIALKOT-BROWN) snoberry and MEMSAHIB-Mediocrity).
Here is a joke about Nawaz SharREEF… who has transferred all assets worth the name abroad and is mockibng others’ foreign nest eggs.
Nawaz was taken to lunch by Shahbaz who ordered the waiter “Spiced Steak Well Done, Lanna Sakta!!” . The waiter humbly asked: “What about the Vegetable?”
. Shahbaz answered: “He will have the same”.
There is a joke about Iqbal Geoffrey’s art being the laughing stock of the innocent-hyperintelligentsia too. If you are interested Najam Sethi will narate it more accurately than me …
ERROR, OMISSIONS AND AFRT EXPECTED.
thank you for not censoring my Swan Songs,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,
My Dear Sir Geoffrey! Get over it already! I suggest you compare Dr. Freud’s background in same! You might get a surprise along with many others in same field!
Furthermore Sir Geoffrey…………….have you ever heard the term, “Exit, Stage Right”?
The political elites of the ruling party, if one can still call them elites after watching their performance from Europe, have miserably failed to regain prestige for the civilian Govt. The opposition political force in the parliament, for good or for worse, is the only hope in a democracy to rescue, whatever there is to rescue, in the country after the period of debauchery and disgrace, which Pakistan Army brought upon the country under the Indian born Parvez bin Musharaf and has continued under the technocrat x star Gen. Kyani. Nawaz shareef is the only experienced politician the country has left. People should rally behind him in my view who from his mistakes of the past in dealing with Musharaf, knows what sort of structural reforms are needed. I would probably suggest retirement for the Generals whose mentor was no other than Musharaf. Retiring General should only be allowed to enter into politics or a civilian position after a lapse of ten year period.
Imran Khan should be encouraged to stop this loner attitude and join Nawaz Shareef forces in calling for immedite elections to legislate structural changes in the civilian and military institutions.
Rex Minor
Raza Rumi:
I have a short-story to relate, a socalled syed (with an unusual name) approached a very far-reaching Pir and asked for a taweeze (talisman) sothat he could “control” his young wife … after five weeks the alpsyed visited the Pir Sahib who inquired if the Taweez had started “its working”, The Seed answered: “Not exactly, but the neighbour’s wife is in control!!”. The Peer seized the moment and commented : “That is theb Side Effect.”. Now, this romantic story is just to cheer up our intelligentsia. it has nothing to do with your brilliant analysis.
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Lady Geneviere:
I think it was a German philiosopher (Opps! I cant momentArily recall his name) who observed that: “A genius knows when to stop!”, Now for someone like me who obtained degrees from universities he never attended or studied at (that bloke impresses me enormously and positively Constructivistly,,, !) what rests in between the lines by Goethe is important instanter , to stop includes “Not Stop” and Non-Stop.
If you hear any hissing sound around anywhere, howsoever remote and retarded, please do let me know.
I will include it verbatim in my Book.
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PS Being born in Chiniot .. I say “Gee Aweyaann Noonn” to changE in my own manner and for as long as i please, sil vous plais. May be my English is not all that good (if you must believe that idiotic blog by Hajji Girish Shahane ((of Shevajee Park)), The Xenophobic, who went to/through such convolluted lengths/tormentation to successfully obtain a free painting from me on pretexts of friendship), but it is becoming albeit not fashionable… being Out it is In. It does not come, it explodes, it implodes,,,,,,,
Similarly, my art may not sell, it excells.
It is advisable that if your posts are added some relative pictures which will make your blog more fantastic.